Palantir Technologies - II of IV

Karp is a very people-oriented person. He encouraged his employees to express themselves with absolute candor. “Alex’s attitude was that you should be able to tell even the CEO to fuck off,” says a software engineer. Even so, his colleagues felt as if Karp could almost burrow into people’s minds and implant his ideas. He seemed to have an astonishing ability to get people to see things his way and to do things that he wanted. 

Karp was good to those who worked for him. He was not one to scream or threaten, nor did he ever publicly upbraid or humiliate people. He disliked firing people even when there were problems with them. He would joke that his job was “managing unmanageable people.” Whenever he shared his thoughts about the work the engineers were doing, he made it clear that pushback was welcome. In this way, he had won the confidence and allegiance of Palantir’s engineers. Palantirians were intensely devoted to him. 

Karp has severe dyslexia (which makes his academic achievements even more impressive). He believed that his managerial acumen was tied to his dyslexia.  He says that it “fucked me but also gave me wings to fly.” He developed certain attributes that would prove useful in business. Dyslexia taught him the power of collaboration since those who have it need the help of others. In an environment that required team-building and delegating responsibility, Karp found that he had an intrinsic advantage. Dyslexics, he said, aren’t raised on an ethos of self-reliance and tend to excel in situations in which they have to work with other people. 

The company was a reflection of him: of his habits and quirks, of the experiences that had shaped him, and above all, of his bleak worldview and the anxieties that weighed on him. His sense of foreboding, he said, “propels a lot of decisions for this company". Karp’s commitment to Palantir was absolute. He rarely took a day off, and on most weeknights, he ate dinner at his desk.

From the start, Karp said that Palantir’s mission was to defend the West and liberal democracy. The company was a creation of 9/11 where it was felt that different agencies had the required data but had failed to post them together properly. Even before 9/11, Karp was skeptical that the end of the Cold War had ushered in an era of irreversible peace and prosperity. There was nothing utopian about Palantir; if anything, the company was founded on the conviction that we were facing a bleak future. Karp once said that bad times are incredibly good for Palantir.

He was fully supportive of Ukraine when it was invaded by Russia. In one sense, it wasn't Karp's choice. The United States was giving support indirectly to the Ukrainians from the start to try to help them repel the Russian attack and Palantir's software played a significant part in that. He felt strongly that every country should be able to have its own sovereignty over its territory. Three months after Russia invaded Ukraine, he went to Kyiv where he met President Zelensky and expressed his support for Ukraine and offered to open an office there. 

He identifies very strongly with his Jewish heritage and is a staunch supporter of Israel. Being biracial, Jewish and also severely dyslexic, he has always understood that this was a world that wouldn't necessarily be a very hospitable world for someone like him. Soon after the war in Ukraine started, the war in Gaza started after the October 7th attacks by Hamas in Israel. The October 7th attacks gets right to his sense of vulnerability.

He saw it as ushering in a period of enormous danger for Jews everywhere, not just in Israel, and this informed his reaction. Palantir was already working with Israel. The Mossad used its technology. But now after October 7th, Palatir's involvement increased. It took out a full page ad in the New York Times saying that Palantir stands with Israel. This was deeply personal for him. And Karp is furious over the protests on American college campuses against the war in Gaza which he sees as evidence of a broader rot on the left.

The slaughter in Israel also cemented his political metamorphosis. Although he had long ago stopped describing himself as a neo-socialist, he still claimed to be progressive. He was a Hillary Clinton supporter in 2016, and he had made clear to employees that he was personally repulsed by Trump. He had said, "I respect nothing about the dude. It would be hard to make up someone I find less appealing.” On certain issues, such as immigration, he expressed opinions that seemed consistent with a liberal worldview (at the same time, though, he opposed affirmative action and was a staunch supporter of the Second Amendment to the US constitution). 

But he thought progressives had been very irresponsible on the issue of immigration. He was increasingly unhappy over the role of identity politics and started drifting away from the left. In the meantime, Donald Trump (who he had criticized earlier, calling him "a phony billionaire") was running for president again, and Karp started warming to Republicans and to the idea of a second Trump presidency. He recognized that it was a huge opportunity for Palantir, being a major government contractor, if they played their cards right. 

Now he is a big Trump supporter, involved in ICE operations. He had quietly made a $1 million personal donation to the Trump-Vance Inaugural Committee. He published a book called The Technological Republic: Hard Power, Soft Belief, and the Future of the West whose main point is that a new, tech-driven nationalism was needed to keep America, and by extension the West, dominant. After an interview on CNBC, one of the cohosts commented that Karp was “an enigma wrapped in a riddle. He always emphasizes ‘I’m a progressive’ and then he "goes on to sound like just a huge right-winger.”

Palantir's platform was used with Anthropic’s Claude in the capture of Venezuela’s President Nicolás Maduro, according to the Wall Street Journal. Karp told CNBC that his company’s technology is being used in the war in the Middle East. He seemed frustrated that he couldn’t take more credit for the continued war being waged in Iran and made it clear that he supports President Donald Trump’s efforts. Palantir has experienced significant stock appreciation and high valuation multiples since the start of the conflict in the Middle East.

Palantir Technologies - I of IV

Palantir Technologies is a relatively small company, with only around four thousand employees but its reach is huge.  Climate change, famine, immigration, human trafficking, financial fraud, customs enforcement at ICE, the future of warfare - Palantir is at the center of many events that you see in the news. Under President Trump, Palantir has become an essential tool in American wars abroad and policy at home. Yet it has stayed largely under the radar.  

Its stock rose around 500% in the past 5 years. But it had a poor 2026 although it has risen again in the past few days. Palantir was one of the most expensive stocks on the market when its decline began, and even after its sell-off, it is still expensive at over 100 times forward earnings. Many think it will follow the same path as Nvidia, another company that benefited from the rise of artificial intelligence. And yet, unlike Nvidia, many people don’t know what Palantir does. There was a funny tweet that illustrated this point: 

“If someone held me hostage and asked me to explain what Palantir does, tell my family I love them…”

The company was founded by Peter Thiel (first major Facebook investor and founder of PayPal) and Alex Karp in 2003. Alex Karp is the chief executive officer. It was started after the 9/11 attacks in the US and was financed in part by In-Q-Tel, the CIA’s venture capital arm. A number of secret services now use Palantir, including the Mossad. All six branches of the U.S. military has deployed its technology. Palantir clients include the FBI, the IRS, and the National Institutes of Health, or NIH. It has become a major defense contractor. 

Alex Carp has a very unusual background for someone who is a big name in Silicon Valley. He grew up in Philadelphia in a very left-wing household, the son of a Jewish pediatrician and a black mother who's an artist. Much of his childhood was spent going to anti-war protest and he used to describe himself as a neo-socialist. He's biracial and he identified very strongly with his black heritage. He was someone who was sensitized to injustice both at home and abroad.

Karp majored in philosophy at Haverford. He went on to earn a law degree from Stanford University and a doctorate in social theory from Germany’s Goethe University, Frankfurt. He had no desire to pursue a career in academia, and when Peter Thiel, a law school classmate, asked Karp in 2003 if he would be interested in joining a start-up that was building software to fight terrorism, he jumped at the opportunity. Not long thereafter, Karp became Palantir’s CEO.  

Under Karp, Palantir became a dominant force in data analytics, a multibillion-dollar enterprise with swank offices around the world and an aura of intrigue that set it apart from other Silicon Valley companies. The company went public in 2020 and officially made Karp a billionaire. He became a center of attention at events like the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland. Heads of state were eager to hear his thoughts, and he was in ever-greater demand as a speaker.

What exactly does Palantir do? It works with the raw data that has been collected by the various organizations it works with. Palantir doesn’t collect or store the data itself, and it doesn't sell data. This data collected by the various organizations is messy and riddled with mistakes, can be coded in different languages, such as Python or Java and can be stored in multiple databases that aren’t linked. There is also the problem of dealing with the huge volume of data that is generated now via phones, watches, satellites, automobiles, etc. 

Palantir produces software that enables organizations to pool the data they have which is tedious work if done manually. The software cleans up and standardizes the data and turns it into a composite dataset. Customers run queries to find patterns, correlations, trends, connections in that data that would take human analysts hours, days, even weeks to find. They typically work with large organizations that pull in massive amounts of data on a daily basis, like the US Army or Airbus.

It can be customized to reflect the particular needs and habits of mind that guide a corporation or a government agency and can be applied to a broad range of issues. For example, it has been used by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) to track food borne illnesses; by the German pharmaceutical company Merck KGaA to accelerate the development of new drugs and by the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) to combat insider trading.

The troubling legacy of Fritz Haber - V of V

Albert Einstein, already living abroad, observed Haber’s suffering but felt little sympathy. Einstein’s earlier disdain for all things German had hardened, under the influence of events, into fierce loathing. His letters to Haber display the satisfaction of a man who’d finally won a long-running argument. “I can imagine your inner conflicts,” he wrote to Haber in May 1933. “It is somewhat like having to abandon a theory on which you have worked for your whole life. It’s not the same for me because I never believed in it in the least.

Haber was plagued by depression, physical weakness, and a failing heart. He died in 1934, broken, unable to work in his native country which he had served so loyally, unable to work in another country since it was reluctant to accept him. The deepest tragedy in this was the fact that his destruction was, in part, self-destruction - he had led the pro-German chorus during the WWI. 

As the years passed, Haber’s work during World War I grew into a symbol of science’s uneasy conscience about its workings. Before Haber, soldiers had never relied so heavily on the latest products of science and industry. Never before had research institutes worked so closely with military leaders. Scientists and generals alike began to understand that their once-distant worlds were linked forever. Gas warfare became one symbol of this union. 

Haber represented the first of a breed. He was the forerunner of every modern scientist who works on banned weapons — at least those weapons, such as nuclear bombs, that international treaties allow in a few privileged nations but not in others. And the moral choices that he confronted during his life were not so different from those that we face today. He was not an evil man. His defining traits — loyalty, intelligence, generosity, industry, and creativity — have always been prized traits. 

Scientists abroad marveled at the German marriage of science and warfare, and rushed to imitate it. The United States set up a National Research Council and began a crash program to build nitrate factories of its own. It spent $100 million on them (about $1.6 billion today) by the end of the WWI which forged enduring links between universities and the military. Philosopher John Dewey called this interweaving of science and government policy a kind of borrowed “Prussianism” and predicted that it would remain even after the war had ended and so it has proved. Haber was the spiritual father of the military-industrial complex. 

Some time after the war, Haber's institute had made an insecticide called Zyklon A, a cyanide-based crystal that turned into vapor when exposed to air. Haber helped arrange funding for their laboratory. Later the concerned scientists moved to another laboratory where they upgraded it to Zyklon B. After Haber’s death, came the horrors of WWII. The Nazis built human-scale gas chambers and used Zyclon B as a tool of death on a scale beyond all normal imagination. Members of Fritz Haber’s extended family, children of his sisters and cousins, were hauled to those camps and killed by a gas their famous relative had helped develop.

If German politics had turned out differently, Fritz Haber might have been considered a hero, and statues of him might now stand in prominent places. Instead, Haber became a tragic figure. Haber's motivations may seem misguided, but before we rush to condemn, we have to remember that most of us behave in the same way. Most people, now as then, swim with the current of public sentiment; most embrace technical progress; most support their homelands. Haber too was guided by these motivations but his superior intelligence and drive meant that he went further and more dramatically than most. 

Haber embodied the capacity of science to nourish life and destroy it. The legacy of this forgotten scientist is present in every day’s news headlines and in every bite of food. Nitrogen is essential in war and in peace and the chemical reaction that Haber discovered delivered unlimited quantities of it. You could say that Haber snatched bread and bombs from the atmosphere. Ultimately the same person who saved billions of lives is also responsible for the deaths of millions of people. 

The institute in Berlin that once was Fritz Haber’s domain bears his name: The Fritz Haber Institute of the Max Planck Society. The name is mildly controversial at the institute; occasionally someone suggests that it be changed. Matthias Scheffler, one of the institute’s five directors,  prefers to keep the name. It reminds every scientist at the institute that knowledge can be a tool for good and for evil, for creation and destruction. A high school in Berlin that once bore Haber’s name did drop it a few years ago.  In Master Mind: The Rise and Fall of Fritz Haber, the Nobel Laureate Who Launched the Age of Chemical Warfare, Daniel Charles says about why most people tend to ignore his memory: 

The reason, I suspect, is that he fits no convenient category. Haber was both hero and villain; a Jew who was also a German patriot; a victim of the Nazis who was accused of war crimes himself. Unwilling to admire him, unable to condemn him, most people found it easier to look away.

Clara Immerwahr, Fritz Haber's first wife, has found fame in recent decades. The Clara Immerwahr Award launched by UniSysCat (Unifying Systems in Catalysis) in 2011, is an award for promoting equity and excellence in catalysis research fostering young female scientists at an early stage of their career. Haber's institute, The Fritz Haber Institute of the Max Planck Society had a memorial built for Clara in the garden of the institute in 2006.

The troubling legacy of Fritz Haber - IV of V

Haher considered the horror evoked by the use of poison gas irrational. He saw no reason why asphyxiation should be considered more ghastly than, for instance, having one’s leg blown off and gradually bleeding to death. He viewed war, and gas in particular, with the cool eye of the technocrat. He thought of gas warfare as an intellectual challenge, or an intricate game that had more psychological impact. 

Haber argued that the psychological power of traditional weapons was quickly spent as soldiers quickly got used to them. Chemicals, on the other hand, represented a many-faceted and ever-changing threat. Each new poison thus posed a new lethal threat, and a new psychic challenge to the foe, “unsettling the soul.” They produced, as he noted enthusiastically in 1925, “more fright and less destruction!”  Gas worked to the advantage of the most advanced industrial societies, Haber argued. He knew well enough that his weapons were widely hated, but he dismissed it. He saw only one explanation for it: prejudice against anything new and disruptive.

As Germany’s economy crumbled and its political system came apart at the seams after the war and the crippling demands of the Treaty of Versailles, Haber suffered as well. It was a time of honor and dishonor. One day he feared being placed on trial as a war criminal; the next he received science’s most prestigious prize. He also encountered moral condemnation from an old acquaintance who was appalled by the use of poison gas. Haber sent a brief, dismissive response, suggesting that his hostility to chemical weapons was outdated and that use of such weapons was legal. The acquaintance wrote back, asking Haber to consider not just whether gas weapons were legal, but also whether they were moral:

I hoped that you might agree with this view: That we, as chemists, have a special responsibility in the future to point out the dangers of modern technology, and in so doing to promote peaceful relations in Europe, since the devastation of another war would be almost unthinkable.

Haber was angry at the world. He considered himself and his country victims of political persecution. The Versailles Treaty prohibited German chemical weapons, but they did not prohibit the victors from researching into them. Haber was quite ready to violate the treaty’s terms if he could get away with it.  When the British chemist Harold Hartley, acting as an international arms inspector, arrived at Haber’s institute in 1921 to check for research on forbidden weapons, Haber probably did not tell him about a nearby laboratory that routinely worked with banned chemicals that Germany had once used as weapons.

Fritz Haber had written off the possibility of getting a Nobel prize. Members of the Nobel Committee in Stockholm, however, understood the enormous significance of the ammonia synthesis. When the news arrived in mid-November 1919 that he had won the prize after all, Haber seemed happier for his country than for himself. But it led to an immediate howl of indignation, particularly in Belgium and France, who had been at the receiving end of the as warfare. There were no protests at the ceremony itself though many Allied diplomats and Nobel laureates found reasons not to attend. 

Events of the 1920s and his own increasing age forced Haber, more frequently as the years passed, to reflect on the past. In a speech to Breslau’s Academic-Literary Association, he recalled the naive complacency of his youth when he had felt that his Jewish ancestry did not matter. He spoke of unthinking German patriotism and how the war destroyed both prosperity and illusions of national unity. He ended his speech with a plea for tolerance, intellectual freedom, and democracy. 

As Hitler’s movement swelled in power, Haber’s mood grew dark. On occasion, he even seemed to question technical progress which he had always believed in. Early in 1932, he confessed that the previous half-century’s technical innovations appeared to be merely “fire in the hands of small children.” One year later, Adolf Hitler was named Germany’s chancellor, and Haber wrote in a letter that he had "the feeling that I’ve made serious mistakes in life." He did not say what those mistakes had been.

He dimly foresaw Germany’s political catastrophe but he never imagined that it could strip him so completely of his dearest possessions and turn his proudest accomplishments into ashes. What counted now was ancestry alone and Haber’s forebodings became reality. The government unveiled a law ordering the removal within six months of all Jews from the German civil service.  The law covered every German university professor and nearly every scientist at the institutes of the Kaiser Wilhelm Society.

Haber, too, soon would find his situation intolerable. Apart from Einstein, who was traveling at the time and immediately declared that he wasn’t coming back to Germany, Haber was the most prominent Jewish scientist at the Kaiser Wilhelm Society. Max Planck, president of the Kaiser Wilhelm Society, tried to save Haber by trying to convince the führer that forcing valuable Jews to emigrate amounted to Germany’s “self- mutilation" but Hitler flew into such a rage that Planck could only leave the room.

The remainder of Haber’s life is a chronicle of losses: his villa and institute, his fortune, and his remaining reserves of strength. Equally shattering, though, was a kind of spiritual dispossession, the loss of his faith and identity. He’d helped feed the ravenous beast that was turning on him. “I am bitter as never before, and the feeling that this is unbearable increases by the day.